At the Site of the Clades Variana

(Varius Calamity)

 

Even before Varus’ criminal negligence, the Roman army command knew that the huge masses of men in its heavily equipped legions were dependent on supply logistics, which in turn were dependent on approach routes. They understood very clearly that military operations in remote North Germania were simply not possible without passable roads. It was unthinkable that invading armies of up to a hundred thousand men with their thousands of vehicles could simply move across country on muddy and unpaved pathways.

 

An additional principal requirement for penetrating deep into the enemy’s heartland was the existence of a massive, extensive and smoothly functioning system of food, fodder, supplies and reenforcements. As long as they were moving through friendly regions where reliable auxiliaries of the indigenous tribes were guarding their supply lines, their transportation functioned very well, although even there it was not entirely safe. The danger of theft, plundering raids, and the possibility of being cut off from their base was always present.

 

Once the supply column had moved past their fortified staging posts, depots, and improved roads, the teams and wagons had to be conducted along primitive pathways. It was not possible for the engineers to build causeways or lay corduroy roads everywhere. Troops would often have to be assigned to guard duty, and then they would no longer be available for combat operations.

 

For this reason, Germanicus used the preferred, tried and proven method that Drusus and Tiberius had successfully used for their extensive expeditions. He chose a water route, sailing across the North Sea and moved up the rivers. This provided relatively safe and secure passage deep into enemy country. Like his predecessors, Germanicus used the Ems, Lippe, Aller, and Weser as natural transportation routes in carrying out his grand offensives.

 

The Romans had made extensive preparations far in advance for the summer campaign of the year 15. Among other things, they thoroughly overhauled the Rhine Fleet. Germanicus’ plan was to invade northwest Germania in three powerful columns with eight full sized legions, the same number of auxiliaries and a large contingent of cavalry.

 

In order to split enemy attacks, the groups were ordered to march separately. Accordingly, the experienced and reliable General Caecina departed from Castra Vetera (Xanten) with four legions. Cavalry commander Pedo was given instructions to move with his brigade from the lands of the Bataver tribe (today’s Holland) through the land of the Frisians.

 

Germanicus himself travelled with the Rhine fleet. First he sailed with the other four legions from the mouth of the Rhine through the Zuidersee, then from there past Flevum fortress along the North Sea coast to the mouth of the Ems, and then upstream as far as was navigable. The three army groups met in the vicinity of present day Rheine on the middle Ems. The plan was to “strike together” from here on out.

 

One division under the commander Stertinius was ordered to invade the land of the Brukterer (today’s Münsterland) and annihilate them. These people promptly set fire to their houses and fled into the forests in order to deny the spoils of war to the enemy. They were the tribe that had most strongly supported Arminius and captured the eagle of the XIXth Legion. Stertinius found the victory trophies in a sacred grove, which gave the Roman morale a great boost. After this Germanicus led his entire army -- around 80,000 men -- into the still unravaged regions of the defeated tribe and allowed his eight legions unlimited license to murder, rape and pillage.

 

Each individual cohort was allotted an easily searched “death zone” 600 to 1000 meters wide, in which they committed horrific atrocities. Nothing was left behind except sickening evidence of massacres and looting. If any prisoners were taken, they were immediately sold as slaves. The profits of course went directly to the “victors.” This atrocious policy of annihilation that Germanicus inflicted upon the Masers, Chattens and Brukterers was of course intended for the Cheruskans as well, which motivated Arminius and his followers to strengthen their resistance in every way.

 

These mass atrocities by brutish soldiers in a blood frenzy, which were not unlike the atrocities Germany has experienced in modern times, bring up the question of how surviving relatives and villagers reacted toward the women and girls who survived being so brutally violated. According to the strict moral code of the ancient Germans, such Schande (translated as “disgrace”) was among the worst of evils in the eyes the community, as intolerable as loss of honor.

 

Schande could never be compensated or requited; in fact, its dire consequences afflicted the entire community. Could these wretched victims of war ever be fully reintegrated?

 

Alas, the mere existence of these unfortunate “dishonored” women and girls became unendurable for their families and village, even though they were completely innocent. They were shunned as though they were lepers. Such victims often suffered a horrible death, since their unbearable disgrace affected everyone. It simply had to be erased.

 

Grave or “dishonorable” crimes were erased in such a way that the perpetrators were removed from the public eye. The Schande was simply sunk in the most literal sense of that word. In the silent and bottomless depths of the bogs, they disappeared and were forgotten for all time.

 

It appears that some were chosen from this group of banished Geschändeten to be human sacrifices to the gods. Unlike condemned criminals, they were granted the mercy of a quick death. The large number of remains found in the marshes have led to this conclusion.

 

In Armin’s day, human sacrifices were still quite common, as the ancient Germans attempted to placate their inscrutable gods. For example, they made human sacrifices after a battle had been won in order to convey their gratitude. Roman prisoners were often consigned to death in the marshes, especially if they were known to have committed atrocities against the civilian population.

 

Tacitus tells us that when the invading army was “not distant” (within two marching days, or around 50 kilometers) of the site where Varus and his legions had been destroyed, scouts and veterans of the battle reported that the remains of the army were still lying there unburied. Germanicus used the opportunity to indulge his wish to show last honors, an honorable burial, to the fallen legionnaries.

 

The Germans had of course thoroughly plundered the battleground of over two kilometers with its countless bodies and rich booty. The macabre site had then been left undisturbed, probably dedicated to the god of war.

 

In order to reach the site, which was surrounded by bogs, Germanicus had his engineers construct causeways and bridges. Then he entered the portentous grounds with his staff and a few veterans who had either escaped or been ransomed.

 

By the earthen walls and ditches, which have long since eroded away, he identified Varus’ first camp. He also found the second camp, which had never been completed. In an open field and on the earthworks the bleached skeletons of the dead soldiers still lay scattered or in heaps, according to where they had fallen. Among them lay the bones of horses, broken wagon parts, rusted weapons and bits of armor. The Romans shuddered as they caught sight of skulls nailed to the trunks of oak trees.

 

Germanicus again had the survivors recount the last tragic hours of the battle, then he ordered the remains of the 17th, 18th and 19th Legions to be collected and interred in a massive common grave with a great earthen mound piled upon it. He himself laid the first piece of grass sod on the mound.

 

Tiberius angrily chided his nephew for the “foolish act” when he learned of the funereal ceremony. He said that the fighting morale of the army had been damaged and driven toward defeatism and that their fear of the Germans had increased. Germanicus of course felt that he was being unjustly chastised. In the years to come, he would continue to suffer under the animosity of his uncle.

 

A year later (Year 16), when he arrived with six legions at the Lippe, he learned that the Germans had recently completely levelling the funereal mound of the Varus Battle. This time, he caused a solemn parade to be held. He dedicated a reconstructed (renewed) altar to his father Drusus, but this time he did not replace the mound, so as not to anger Tiberius.

Generations of professional and amateur historians have without doubt regretted the destruction of this memorial, which was once distinct and easy to recognize. They would give a great deal if they could find the precise location, since they would then be able to exactly determine the historically significant site of the battleground. They would be able to put an end to the endless debates and theories about its exact location. So far, all of the visually designated places that were suspected to possibly be the actual site have been rejected. Only a great coincidence or an extremely expensive, very large archeological undertaking could ever shed light on this portion of the Varian tragedy.